Issues and Social Movements
To begin with socialism was a mass movement, which soon grew beyond the working class. Only those who are not self-confident with their own association fear alliances. With an understanding of the contemporary circumstances, and of the environment surrounding the social movement comes valiancy and wisdom of the heart. No one should be afraid of to take part in an informed coalition with other groups or associates. This is true even with the people of questionable classes, according to Lenin. The political fact is that no party, weather it be a vanguard party or a mass party, can exist for long without association with other such political groups. To work with others on shared issues is primary to success. A essential necessity for any of that kind of an federation must be the total feasibility for the Socialist to bring to light to the working class as a whole and the radical workers in particular, that we must never lose sight of the long rang goals while seeking short term objectives. Reforms in bourgeois society are always temporary and the contradictions of capitalism undermine the long lasting success of those reforms. It must be remembered that it is to the advantage of the working class to understand that they have interests that are diametrically antagonistic to the interests of the bourgeoisie and even sometimes the petty bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie must choose between alliances with one of the two major classes. The petty bourgeoisie has no ideology of their own. In nearly all circumstances, however the petty bourgeoisie welfare are even more repressed by the large capitalist than the working class (Lenin 1973: 19).
The significance of the working class for the struggle for socialism rests completely on the role of its activity being the direct producer in corporate monopoly capitalism, which is enormously and highly concentrated in the centralized production on a scale not known before. The capitalist retains its political superiority, which is attached to its economic supremacy, because it controls access to the resources necessary in production. Those who control the means of production control the means of political domination. Control of the means of production will be kept out of the hands of the working class at all costs. All reform will have this as its primary logic. The means of production control exclusively by the capitalist can be set into motion producing only by the employment of the working class. The workers must at all costs be reduced to only a material force of production like the machines used by the workers. The worker is to be seen as input costs, a simple extension of the tools used in production. The human capital has a will of its own and can hold up production by refusing to cooperate in its own exploitation. The organized working class in large-scale industry can stop the entire economy; the central role of theses workers is critical fort the advancement of socialism. Small workshops or farms can never have that kind of influence on the national economy in its activity (Trotsky 1969: 93 - 95).
Actual tangible and essential conditions of a technology and material resources to support an absence of personal material gain are required before socialism can advance along its natural path. The precondition is created by monopoly capitalism, the greediest form of capitalism. Even though the means of production are privately owned, class consciousness of the socialized forces of production in large scale industry leads to an expanded feeling of solidarity once class understanding grows to an international movement (Trotsky 1969: 82).
At a certain level of economic concentration the working class can seek to attain more than simple reform over the conditions of work. Radicals in the revolution in order to acquire power must set it self the goals that can be achieved contemplate the strength of the adversary and makes its strategies accordingly. Both the subjectively of the will to fight for equality, and the resolve to maintain privilege, is a set of objective factors like support of the other classes, the power in control of military resources on both sides, international aid to either side and the level of development of the economy. At some point only limited options are the issue if direct action is not taken socialism will not happen by the objective force in capitalism without the active will of the proletariat. Socialist psychology grows only when the objective conditions make socialism possible, and continues to grow as the struggle for socialism advances, and socialism ultimately become the precondition for the complete socialist psychology (Trotsky 1969: 96 -99).
Because the workers are the most exploited of the classes under capitalism, they cannot free themselves without abolishing exploitation in general. Because the working class is the most important class in capitalist production they can only grow in strength once properly organized. Socialism is the primary mechanism for the freeing of the laboring classes from oppression. With out an ever-expanding practical democracy, socialism is inconceivable (Kautsky 1964: 1-2).
The two statements above show that both Lenin and Kautsky agreed on the necessary leadership of the working class, and the need to form alliances with other oppressed groups. Their disagreement was based upon the nature of that leadership, and the degree of mass participation in the central organs of the party.
Social movements have internal roots, and are a part of a nations particular history. The social movement of any country must be understood within the historical context of that country (Cabral; Luxemburg). Most social movements begin modestly in its vision, some of them become more comprehensive, elaborate, and radical. A radical coalition with bourgeois liberalism, while sometimes necessary, limits the possibilities of its accomplishments. Radical social movements must move beyond these narrow limits if it is to grow and survive. Radicals, on the other hand, can become isolated if they refuse to work with reformist coalitions when the need arises. These coalitions are usually necessary at the beginning of a movement. Many moderate socialists often feel it is a mistake to go beyond these coalitions. To work with reformist coalitions merely provide a foundation for further social change. The strength of an alliance or popular front is not only cooperation, but also the recognition of the differences (Luxemburg 1970).
The working class is the only class capable of emancipating the exploited position of the poor farmer. Only the workers can lead society toward equality, democracy, end of coercion, end of the domination by the church, expropriation and redistribution of wealth of the capitalist (Trotsky 1969: 71).
The working class can gain power only through a popular rising, national devotion, cooperation, and public spirit. The radical worker class will become the government of the people as the only leader against privilege, totalitarian government, antiquated, brutality of a market economy and private property (Trotsky 1969: 75).
Radical workers in the revolution will find support in the conflict between rich and poor peasant, farm workers and the capitalist farmers, “progressive villagers”, and those who access to the lands are being lost (Trotsky 1969: 76).
The main bone of contention between the revolution and the small farmer, at first at least is collectivism and internationalism (Trotsky 1969: 77).
The outcome of any revolution is born from internal contradictions, yet its success or failure depends upon long-term international trends. A world economy with a market ideal can overpower a national economy no matter how revolutionary. The revolution either simply democratic or democratic and socialist cannot escape this logic. Trotsky, Luxemburg, and Cabral all saw this truth in their respective revolutionary struggles. Each revolution has an important impact on any and all revolutions that follow. Socialist of all countries must maintain a deep sense of international solidarity. If not the forces of a highly organized market economy can prove more powerful than any socialist country can cope with, i.e. Cuba in the 1990’s (Luxemburg 1970).
International solidarity and national struggles are a necessity born out by the fact that capitalism is a highly integrated world system. Only through this unity can socialism ever develop and survive. The collapse of socialist economies around the world in the 1990’s prove the age of national economies is forever gone. Even the most sincere struggle of national liberation is doomed before it ever starts. Luxemburg and Trotsky saw this following the Bolsheviks coming to power in Russia. Then it seemed to many hopeful revolutionaries as overly pessimistic, today it cannot be denied.
Uniting all the nations of the world jointly with a distinct all encompassing mode of production and distribution with its corresponding commerce, capitalism has transformed the whole world into but one and only one economic and political organic structure. Without unbroken assistance of the working class outside of Russia and without the success of establishing Revolutionary Governments in other lands also aiding the Russian Revolution, the working class will lose power in Russia its political power is transitory. The unlimited political rule of the toiling masses cannot be established, economic control of industry by the workers remains a dream. The collectivist dream will remain just out of reach (Trotsky 1969: 105 - 107).
The capitalist will without a historical understanding of its own foundations and the caustic groundwork of its expansion impair its own totality and the foundation of bourgeois existence. The capitalist gaspingly hold tight to anything that will save its property no mater how menacing this is the rest of society and or its allies. Ultimately the bourgeoisie will protect its property no matter what risk to bourgeois political power this entails. Lasciviousness and lewdly the capitalist will go after any and each reactionary group or social energy that worships with total idolatry private property (Trotsky 1969: 108). Capitalism expands beyond what even the world economy can maintain, and only by expanding human misery can the profit of private property continue to grow.
The less the revolutionary working class wait for the appearance of bourgeois democracy to give it freedom the less it has to barter away its essence to capital for the illusion of reform. The clearer that the workers know what they really need the less will these same workers have to accommodate to the fanciful sluggishness and mawkish ludicrous drool of the petty-bourgeoisie and their repugnance of exclusive deliverance and xenophobic individualism. The battle of the workers becomes increasingly inapplicable for liberal goals. The more aware the workers are of their separation from liberalism, the more determined the struggle for collective stewardship of the all the land and resources and the more intense the fight for egalitarian distribution becomes. Socialism breeds the determination to battle for the completion of socialism or true communism. No whining and bewailing but open fighting for socialism. The political leadership can and must fall into the hands of the workers. It is the only class that can lead the rest of society to true democracy (Trotsky 1969: 121).
The liberal revolution is a revolution led by the bourgeoisie. If the working class party remains the left wing of the democratic front the socialist will have to face the fact that the bourgeoisie will oppose the workers in any reform that threatens property. Within the loyal opposition the issue of property cannot be challenged the threat of the reaction my unite worker and capitalist in the short run, but the ultimate enemy of the working class is capitalism. The peasant came to see that the liberal has much in common with the large land owner, the peasants only hope for radical land redistribution is with the working class coming to power (Trotsky 1969: 127).
Industrialization is the generator of cultural evolution in modern times; the industrial working class is at the front of this change. The worldview of the workers becomes the theoretical foundation of socialism. The workers have a collective existence already. This is a worldwide movement and socialism can succeed in one nation only by expanding to other nations. The resources of the advanced must be shared with the underdeveloped ones for socialism to firmly take root in the less developed countries (Trotsky 1969: 144 145).
Within the capitalist world economy there is uneven development between countries, and between industries within a particular country. National idiosyncrasy is the most common outcome of this unevenness. The uneven development of different branches of the local economy, different economic class within a country, social institutions, this is the expression of these peculiarities. National culture, civilization, countrywide prototypes is the consolidation of this unevenness; encumbrance to social progress is also a result of the unevenness (Trotsky 1969: 148).
Power can be either progressive or reactionary, it all depends on which class is the ruling class. State power is always super-structural; meaning the economic core of world capitalism is always an issue for radical socialist to deal with even in a workers state. Every country is integrated into the world market economy, and this dependency maybe lessened by a socialist revolution, but capitalism still must be struggled against even after the local revolution wins power (Trotsky 1969: 152). Between the establishment constitutional government and the socialist formulation of society there is a continuity of revolutionary progress. Through a process of continuous domestic struggle, all social relations are reshaped based upon the changes of international trends (Voyeikov 1994: 7).
Capitalist development must grow and change with the businesslike growth of its foundation. Because of its irresolvable incongruity a market economy must enlarge its total control worldwide. At the core export markets grows in importance. Unmanageable expansion and everlasting emergency is primary to the underlying basis of capitalism. These flaws are the progress of capitalism and its ever-present impending doom and expiration. The energy of Soviet economy is the expropriation of private corporate property and the nationalization of industry as well as planning of the uses of the means of production. Its weakness is its isolation (Trotsky 1969: 153).
The superstructure and political superstructure in specific are important, a political revolution is a component of this superstructure, having an internal logic and dialect that can and does interrupt unmistakably in the course of the world economy, but does not exterminate its penetrating laws, ultimate causes and forces (Trotsky 1969: 154).
Peasants because of their isolation, in the middle arrangement and the diversity of its social organization means the peasants can only chose between defending the revolutionary working class or reactionary capitalist class. Who wins the struggle between workers and capitalist in part determines who wins a separate struggle between rich farmer and poor peasant in the struggle in the countryside (Trotsky 1969: 194).
The working class creates soviets or workers self-management collectives. These will guide the offensive accomplishments of the working masses, which attract into a confederation with the workers both the poorer peasants and the army. The absolute democratic sovereignty of all the people is a must and the predominant position of the working class is central. Uninterrupted persistent revolution means any and forms of privilege must be attack one after the other by the working poor (Trotsky 1969: 209).
In the less developed nations foreign is capital discharged straightway into large capital-intensive industry. This creates a large highly class conscious proletariat. There is no other candidate in this history to lead the revolution than the industrial working class, even the liberal bourgeoisie will side with the old order reactionaries to protect it property. This means that the bourgeois revolution proceeds at once into a socialist revolution (Trotsky 1969: 215 - 220).
Finance capital is the ruling faction of capitalist in all capitalist countries. This is true notwithstanding of the fact that technique of control differ greatly form country to country. With this being the cause the workers socialist government will different in every country it is established, even though the revolutionary hegemony of the dictatorship of the proletariat is central (Trotsky 1969: 253).
The oddities of a nation, which has not completed or built its democratic revolution, are of the sort of consequential importance that becomes the foundation for any approach of the revolutionary proletarian vanguard. With the level of capitalist development leading to a largely revolutionary working class. The solution for the majority leads to socialist ideology. Colonialism deepens oppression in the underdeveloped countries leads in the direction of a national democratic revolution followed immediately by a socialist revolution. The law of uneven development holds sway over the relations between nations and the forces and classes within the colonial state. An adjustment of the uneven processes of economics and politics can be determined only on a world scale. No country can build socialism within its own nationwide boundaries because productive forces of capitalism exist world wide, making socialism within a single country crippled from the start (Trotsky 1969: 254 -255).
It is likely for workers to come to power in an economically underdeveloped country before a well-developed nation. Liberal bourgeoisie becomes a reactionary and counter-revolutionary potential before they win their own revolution. The pathfinder situation of the working class in any revolution means it is the proletariat that pushes the revolution forward to foremost limits. All other classes of the toiling poor can but follow the proletarian lead. Socialist revolution is but the logical outcome of a democratic liberal revolution of the bourgeoisie. Socialist revolution in this way is permanent, liberal reform cannot solve the problems created by the liberal revolution. Socialist revolution is but a necessity that all reforms will lead to. Socialism will lead to collectivization, communism and the ultimate democratic of all aspects of life. Socialism either opens the door to further radical revolutions or it collapses in on itself (Trotsky 1969: 180-182).
Either the revolution will break the narrow national bounds, or it will remain limited in its possibilities. If the socialist revolution is overthrown than it will only be a capitalist social movement. The working class and the peasant working together must overcome the worldwide counterrevolution if socialism is to survive. The revolution must continuously widen its scope at home and its base worldwide. The revolution must remain always revolutionary. All the resources of the state and economy within a socialist country must be thrown into the revolution. If the revolution slows down than it retreats and dies (Trotsky 1969: 184).
The workers government can only be such a government when representatives of the working class command and direct the political institutions of the state. The masses lead by the working class, in accord with the goal of socialism, must fortify its power will widen the foundation of the revolution by incorporating allies, but the industrial proletariat will always stand at the lead of the revolution (Trotsky 1969: 70).
Once the socialist take power the demarcation between ultimate and first agenda fail to have any importance for setting up revolutionary policy, as every thing leads to the final goal of collective stewardship of the resources of production and equal distribution of life’s necessities (Trotsky 1969: 78).
National capital can only be understood in its relationship to a world market economy. Particular characteristics of the national economy are but an elemental piece of the world economy; this is why all communist or socialist movements must be part of an international struggle (Trotsky 1969: 148).
Permanent revolution means an immediate passing from one to another form the democratic revolution to the socialist revolution. The revolution can give rise to no concession with any pattern of class rule, no permanent compromise with the liberal bourgeoisie only temporary hold patterns of reform. Not stopping and political democracy and civil rights socialism and communism are always in the plan of action. To all revolutionaries all enemies of socialism on a world scale will be resisted in its turn. Every subsequent step of the revolution is solidly grounded in the prior ones and only the workers can abolish class rule. Between the democratic revolution and socialism a condition of continuous revolutionary development (Trotsky 1969: 130 - 132).
Communist collectives run through the democratic participation of the actual producers becomes the arrangement of the day. This destroys the boundary between maximum and minimum programs. The main impediment is the relation of the material and social forces within society. Once the radical working class gains control over the revolution, they must keep the revolution within their grasps at all times driving the revolution forward or lose to some other class or faction of a class (Trotsky 1969: 80).
Revolution like the rest of a radical proletarian culture is always cosmopolitan. In the beginning the urban proletariat are derived from many isolated village cultures. In this new industrialized setting the dislocated peasants form a new culture when they move to town to find work. The philosophy of socialism helps the radicalized working class to understand the trauma of the industrial environment. Radical proletarian culture is born from both the lived experience of industrialization and the melding of several eccentric village cultures into something distinct. Revolution too feeds upon revolutions in other nations. While both national and international influences are important, this sharing of ideas between nations and applying them to unique national circumstances creates a new living culture. Finally, many urbanized radicals move back to their farm villages, bring with them new radical ideas that are intermingled with ancient tradition to create a culture of resistance in the countryside. These new traditionalist then move to town bringing together of new traditionalist of many distinct backgrounds to merge with the urban radical culture (Luxemburg 1970).
Social movements are a collective reaction to shared disappointing conditions of the lived experiences of the participants. Dialectical processes, of antagonism and adaptation come to pass when major social tendencies produces conflicts and public opposition based upon the psychological need for a refutation of the impact of that trend, upon traditional ways of doing things. Movements are born from a history of traumatic disruption and dissension. Market economies disrupt social protection over land, labor, and resources that are protected by tradition and social obligations. Powers beyond the gods destroy the peasants’ security with the past (Robert and Kloss 1974: 1-32; Wolf 1969: 276-302). Because of the deep perceived sense of injustice, and leads to the feeling of frustration. The old world is fallen apart and the new one is not acceptable. People simply lose faith in the established authority; there is deterioration in legitimacy of the rulers. A new and confrontational ideology often made up of older traditional and imported radical ideas that in combination make sense to the oppressed emerges (Szymanski and Goertzel: 322-327; Heberle 1951: 1-19).
Social movements continue to move toward even more radical demands, or it stagnates giving the reaction time to mobilize to regain, what the class of privilege sees as lost ground. The Revolution moves from small reform to ever more radical demands with each victorious change. Each failure is turned into bases for mobilization to regain ground lost to the Revolution and to move to even more radical demands. There can never be a middle ground of collaboration. With each issue being defined as revolutionary or reactionary there is never a middle ground. Revolution or reaction is the battle cry. The moderate is soon left behind to join the camp of the reaction, or caught in the crossfire. Power is the issue, with power comes justice, equality and freedom (Luxemburg 1970: 31-40; Heberle 1951: 23-37).
Without a radical ideology there can be no revolutionary activity. The role from the very beginnings of that courageous struggle can be fulfilled only by a coterie that is directed by the most well developed theory (Lenin 1973: 29). The leadership according to Lenin is founded upon a sound theory that acts as a practical guide to action. To have a weak theory or no theory at all is the results of unawareness of the historical sociology of the reality people have to deal with in their struggle for emancipation. Imperialism is more than an abstract concept. It is not only a relationship between nations, but also a lived experience of real people. When an ample number of individual and collective experiences have been accumulated and analyzed it well provide the means the revolutionaries need to define a general line of thought and action with the aim of getting rid of the lack of historical understanding and following a strategy that has a hope of success (Cabral 1969: 92-93).
Lenin claims workers left to their own devices workers will never evolve beyond simple trade unionism. The impulsive and spontaneous resistance of workers to their exploitation on the job is a substance of their basic nature, according to Lenin. From this rebellion while it remains undisciplined will exemplify not anything more or less than the awareness of their exploitation. It is an undeveloped pattern of social awareness; the workers have at this stage. Even these rudimentary disorders assert the cause of oppression in the hearts of the workers. This is natural result of the lives and working conditions of the workers. To the worker this spontaneous reaction serves as a wake up call for political understanding of a specific type and amount. The workers demonstrate the need for the radical leadership in the party to excite opposition between workers and employers. Lenin would further state that without a vanguard the workers can never appreciate the antagonistic and irreconcilable differences between their working class interests and the sum total current political-economy of the world market economy. They are not yet socialists. This must be brought to them by a small group of people who are educated, and privileged yet strongly identify with the dispossessed working poor. The working class by it self cannot go beyond the trade union identity or simple political democracy (Lenin 1973: 36-37). This is the core philosophy of the vanguard party. Both syndicalism and the position held by Rosa Luxemburg that workers learn socialism in the process of struggle and brought in from the outside (Luxemburg 1971: 289).
Socialism without democracy as a way to liberate the masses is unimaginable. Socialism is both the public organization of production, but also an extension of democracy. Socialism cannot be separated from democracy. Democracy requires public control. The working class being a majority of a highly industrial society can acquire political power by making use of existing freedoms. The despotism of capitalism has difficulty regulating the compulsion needed for the obstruction of democracy (Kautsky 1971: 1 -11).
The more firmly established political democracy is within a society, the longer democracy has historically been central the politics of that society the more all minority groups have in protecting their rights. The more power in the hands of the people the more any minority can oppose the pretensions of any party which tries to retain control over the government at all costs. Any socialist party must make the protection of minorities extremely important. All current doctrine, be they based upon theory or strategy convictions of principle with assumption that minorities are important, many times in the foremost standards of that doctrine minority representation is its nucleus (Kautsky 1971: 33).
Democracy is the key foundation for the making of a socialist society with its public control of production. Only through democracy does the working class gain the fully developed skills needed the form socialism and democracy test the maturity of the workers (Kautsky 1971: 42).
The pure labor unionist and the revolutionary conspirator, according to Lenin, share the worship of spontaneity. The anarchist-syndicalist, Lenin claims, surrender to the myth of sudden inspiration of action of the pure working class struggle, while the terrorists give away to the impetuousness of the burning moral rage of the isolated intellectual. The intellectual in their isolation are unable to join up with the struggle of the working class at the job site and in the working class communities. The intellectual is not part of the working class as a whole, unless they take on a working class identity and world-view (Lenin 1973: 92-95; Cabral 1969: 110).
Union activity as well as running for office through legitimate elections are carefully thought about ways to educate and progressively show the path that the working class can learn to accept control over their lives and for the need to seize political power to obtain socialism. This working through the system is only a means of training workers to take control over the economy and political institutions of society for the benefit of the workers. The fight for socialism and total democracy cannot be limited to legal methods as the capitalist still control the rules of the game for their benefit. Through labor activism and parliamentary struggles the appreciation of class-consciousness for the proletariat to become more socialist is established, and the laboring class is organized as a class of workers. If legitimate political and union activity is foolishly considered as apparatus for the socialization of the capitalist economy, the revolutionary working class loses their capability to establish socialism and no longer prepare all the workers to take over society as a whole in their conquest of power (Luxemburg 1971: 85 - 86).
As soon as the short-term practical gains become the principle aim of the working struggles, class-consciousness is lost, and the working class party stands in the way of the working class coming to power. All reforms no matter how it benefits the workers by improving their lives will still leave the capitalists in power and the ultimate cause of most societies ills the unequal distribution of wealth and power. Socialism will be the result entirely of the ever growing disparity of rich and poor; weak and strong because of capitalism and the understanding by the workers that overthrow of these contradictions through social reorganization is inescapable (Luxemburg 1971: 87 - 88).
The philosophy of Socialism, started growing out of the vision of those educated individuals who identified with the working poor. The Socialist Movement developed from historical and economic theories that were refined by the intellectual’s representatives of the class with property (Lenin 1973: 37). Bakunin held that the freeing from oppression of the worker must be the responsibility of the workers themselves, and not an intellectual vanguard (Bakunin 1971: 295). It would be terrifying for all people if a small group of party intellectuals had any real authority, beyond persuasion. All experts tend to exaggerate their importance, and any professional who believe in their own BS is of course a tyrant. Education is for all the people, and both the teacher and student continuously change roles, as we all learn from well thought out experience. Theory is created out of lived experiences. Minority rule is minority rule, and is based upon the unfounded faith of the stupidity of the masses (Bakunin 1971: 295-332). In reality both Lenin and Bakunin are right, yet socialism cannot be socialism unless it resonates with the lived experience of the poor and working people.
The goal of the revolution is a collective society; policy will be chosen that will shorten the path to socialism. The goal of all reforms within the minimum program is modest improvement in workers lives as soon as possible. Each compromise will be the foundation for further struggles; each victory and each reform will be used to further the long-term goals of socialism. Political democracy remains shallow and incomplete without moving toward economic democracy and finally political democracy there is no political freedom with wage slavery. With the ultimate slogan of expropriation without compensation the long rand goals are kept alive (Trotsky 1969: 100 - 101).
It is the objective conditions that create the class division of society, the working class is a class in itself, but not yet a class for itself, only through its awareness does a class become a class for it self by fighting the interest of the working class as a class (Marx 1963: 173-174). Marx leaves debatable where the consciousness of as class as a class come from, leaving wide open Lenin’s theory of socialism coming from the outside. Marx clearly had in mind over all class interest occurs when one class confront in an antagonist way another class. Class struggle if fact when active, conflicts will develop the already existing discord between two or more classes (Marx 1947: 82-95; Marx 1968: 51; Bukharin 1969: 292-293, 297). This makes it seem likely socialism is an indigenous working class phenomenon and not brought in from the outside like Lenin assumes. When we speak of the ideas that revolutionize society, we are talking about within the shell of the older society, the elements of a newer one develops, the decay of the old ideas is replaced by newer revolutionary ones (Marx 1968: 51). In this then the correct revolutionary ideas are important, and the wrong ones dangerous. Thus, the debate becomes important in the eyes of the participants.
My Reading List for Leftists:
Karl Marx:
Capital Volume 2 The Process of Circulation
The Economic & Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844
The German Ideology – With Frederick Engels Critique of the Gotha Program
Wages, Price, and Profits
The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte
Fredrick Engels:
Anti-Duhring
The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State
Rosa Luxemburg:
The Accumulation of Capital
The Russian Revolution
Leninism or Marxism?
The national Question
Leon Trotsky:
The Permanent Revolution
The Transitional Program for Socialist Revolution
The Revolution Betrayed
V. I. Lenin:
What is to be Done?
State and Revolution
Left-wing Communism an Infantile Disorder
Michael Bakunin:
God and the State
Peter Kropotkin:
Mutual Aid
Anarchist Morality
Karl Polanyi:
The Great Transformation
Albert Camus:
Note Books
Epicurus
The Essential Epicurus Letters, Principal Doctrines,
Marxism is not a single entity. Marxism schools some but not all
Marxism–Deleonism (Daniel De Leon)
Combining f revolutionary syndicalism with orthodox Marxism.
Left communism (Rosa Luxemburg)
Anti-elitist party autonomous mass organization of the working class
Marxist Revisionists
Eduard Bernstein revolution through force was not necessary to achieve a socialist society, peacefully through legal means.
Marxism–Leninism
Revolution led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries.
Trotskyism
Is the theory that socialism should be established throughout the world by continuing revolution is its founding principle.
Council Marxist
Revolutions led by locally independent worker councils worldwide.
Antonio Gramsci
The domination of a culturally diverse society by the ruling class who manipulate the culture of that society, revolution created a counter culture
The Frankfurt School
Critical of both capitalism and Soviet socialism, their writings pointed to the possibility of an alternative path to social development. Led by in depth by scientific analysis based Hegelian dialectic.
Maoism
Revolution could be won by the sheer will of a large revolutionary majority.
Anti-revisionism
Opposed to any reinterpretation of basic Marxism-Leninism
Monthly Review School of Marxism
Studies the end of the freely competitive stage of capitalism and the beginning of monopoly capitalism.
Marxist theology
Liberation theology is a synthesis of Christian theology and Marxist socio-economic analyses that emphasizes social concern for the poor and the political liberation for oppressed peoples.
Marxist humanism
Workers are alienated because under capitalism individuals and are alienated from their productive activity and become a commodity to be bought and sold.
Analytical Marxism
Workers exploitation and class were generated not in the sphere of production but of market exchange completion among workers for a job.
Neo-Marxism or New Left
Marxism incorporating elements from other intellectual traditions such as critical theory, psychoanalysis, and existentialism
Autonomist Marxism
Autonomous social movements involve people directly in decisions affecting their everyday lives.
Structural Marxism
People's actions are shaped by society and in particular the economic system. It is the upper class control all of society, politics, law, religion and culture thus what the rest of us believe. Alternatives develop when societies begin to fall apart.
Communist Party Historians Group of British Marxism
To seek out a popular revolutionary traditions that could inspire contemporary activists
Anti-humanism Marxist (Louis Althusser)
The reproduction of the conditions of production and the reproduction of the relations of production happens through the state apparatuses which are insidious machinations controlled by the capitalist ruling ideology in the context of a class struggle to repress, exploit, extort and subjugate the ruled class.
Marxist Existentialist (Jean-Paul Sartre)
All societies are best understood as arenas of struggle between powerful and powerless groups, in which individual decisions play a critical role. We cannot escape freedom of choice. All choices come down too supporting the oppressor or the oppressed.
Herbert Marcuse
Mass culture, serves to reinforce political repression. In advanced industrial society (capitalism), the development of technical thought including efficiency by achieving the maximum results with a minimum amount of effort is destroying the oppositional and autonomous rudiments in advanced society
Euro communism
National Parties that emphasis independence from the former Soviet Communist Party and preservation of many elements of Western liberal democracy.
Marxist feminism
A system of thought feminism focused on investigating and explaining the ways in which women are oppressed through systems of capitalism and private property.
Marxist instrumentalist
This is a theory which reasons that policy makers in government and positions of power tend to "share a common business or class background, and that their decisions will reflect their business or class interests".
Marxist Dependency Theory
Starts with the idea that resources flow from a “periphery” made up of the poor is the underdeveloped are exploited states providing resources for a "core" of wealthy states, at below costs enriching these powerful nations at the expense of the prior colonies and semi-colonies. It is a main theme of dependency theory that poor states are impoverished and rich ones enriched by the way poor states are integrated into the "world system".
Marxist World Systems theory
World-systems theory is influenced by dependency theory. The focus on nation states is their unit of analysis. Historical the global is a single integrated economy from the 16th century on. Thus this is the main path of evolutionary development worldwide, disregarding transnational economic systems that constrain local and national development.
Marxist Anthropologist
Is the concept in which separate modes of production (economic systems) are coexisting within one society. Thus not totaling disagreeing the two theories just above, but each community has its own historical development while being integrated into a larger world system.
Marx – Weber synthesis
Weber used Marxist analysis but start with the super-structure’s influence on the base. For example how religion influence the development of Capitalism. Many Marxist find this useful to re-establish a dialectical relationship between base and ideology. The arrows go both ways.
Marx Freud synthesis
Studies the influence of the economic base on the rest of society and how this relationship effects the development the personality of the individual.
Environmental Marxist
Just what it says how the economy effects the environment, Starting from earliest hominids to the evolution of modern capitalism.
Anarchist Marxist
Uses Marxist analysis in the service of anarchist struggles’
Social Democrat
It is a political party that supports the expansion of the public sector and social services, under democratic control.
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